Mil News Australia, NZ, Oceania Military News

Considering how the "buying French submarines" experience was with the previous project (100's of millions spent and not one bit of steel cut) I very much doubt that there is even the smallest chance of the RAN ordering French SSN's.
 
We can't organize a one car parade anymore.
 
A mobile missile launcher transported by Bushmaster vehicles is a step closer to being operated by Australian soldiers, with Defence to formally examine whether the locally designed weapon system can soon be brought into service.

Known as StrikeMaster, the Australian-developed product utilises a pair of Naval Strike Missiles (NSM) mounted on top of the domestically produced Bushmaster, which can be fired at enemy targets on land and sea out to at least 250 kilometres.

First unveiled in 2022 by defence companies Kongsberg and Thales, the StrikeMaster and its ship-killing NSMs is being touted as a sovereign and cost-effective option for delivering a potent "area denial" capability across Australia's top end.

The Albanese government has this week approved a tender process that will pit the StrikeMaster against the American-made High Mobility Artillery Rocket System (HIMARS), currently being used by Ukrainian forces.

Under Project LAND 8113 phase two, Defence will consider whether the army should adopt the cheaper and locally produced StrikeMaster, which uses sea-skimming missiles, instead of buying a second regiment of HIMARS, which fires multiple long-range rockets.

Last year's Defence Strategy Review (DSR) called for the Australian Army to focus on long-range strike capability and the ability to move around with more agility at the edges of land and sea, greatly extending its current ability to fire only out to 40 kilometres.

Ahead of the DSR, the government finalised a half-billion-dollar deal to buy 20 of the truck-mounted HIMARS launchers, which have a range of up to 300 kilometres, while signing another purchase of the Norwegian-made NSMs for use on Australian warships.

In August last year, Labor announced it would expand and accelerate Australia's HIMARS acquisition to 42, while looking to produce HIMARS-compatible missiles from 2025 under the Guided Weapons and Explosive Ordnance Enterprise (GWEO).

While the Lockheed Martin-produced HIMARS is regarded well by the Australian military, there are concerns about the high cost and lack of sovereignty with the US-made technology and the long acquisition times given numerous other nations have ordered it.

Sources have told the ABC that while there was some resistance within the Army to the considerably more affordable StrikeMaster, there was a growing appreciation of its benefits and recognition of the government's strong willingness to acquire the technology.

The growing government push to introduce the StrikeMaster into the army comes despite the French-owned company Thales facing multiple corruption probes across the globe as well as in Australia.

This year, the Norwegian-owned Kongsberg, which is the prime partner on the StrikeMaster program, unveiled plans to build a new missile factory in Newcastle that will eventually produce NSMs near Defence Industry Minister Pat Conroy's electorate.
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https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-12-04/strikemaster-could-soon-be-used-by-australian-army/104685190
 
The Australian Department of Defence (DoD) has shortlisted two foreign shipbuilders to develop a replacement for the Royal Australian Navy (RAN)’s ageing ANZAC-class frigates under the A$10 billion SEA3000 general-purpose frigate programme, it announced on 25 November.

According to the DoD, the two downselected companies – out of an initial group of five shipbuilders – are Japan’s Mitsubishi Heavy Industries (MHI) with the Mogami frigate design and Germany’s Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems (tkMS) MEKO A-200 design.

The DoD added that the new frigates will be configured for undersea warfare as well as local air defence. It intends to build the first three of 11 planned frigates in the country of the winning bidder, while the remainder will be constructed by Australian industry at the Australian government’s new Henderson Defence Precinct at the Henderson Shipyard in Western Australia.

“The decision to progress the Mogami and MEKO A-200 designs was informed by a rigorous evaluation by [the DoD] that identified these designs as likely to best meet Australia’s capability requirements,” the DoD stated, nothing that it will work closely with the two shipbuilders to progress their respective designs for the RAN.

The first SEA 3000 frigate is expected to be delivered by 2030, it added.

“The rapid, accelerated work of the general-purpose frigate program to date underpins the next stages of the acquisition to ensure this capability is delivered this decade, providing [the RAN] with enhanced anti-submarine and anti-air warfare capabilities,” said Minister for Defence Industry and Capability Delivery Pat Conroy.

Japan’s Acquisition, Technology & Logistics Agency (ATLA) earlier selected MHI and Japan Marine United Corporation (JMUC) to be respective main and subcontractors to develop a new and improved variant of the Mogami-class frigate currently used by the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF).

ATLA announced in August 2023 that the “New FFM” will have a greater overall length of about 142 m and a wider overall beam of about 17 m, in addition to a larger standard displacement of about 4,500 tonnes. However, MHI had earlier stated that its design would displace around 4,880 tonnes at standard loads.

In contrast, the JMSDF’s current Mogami-class frigates feature an overall length of 132.5 m, an overall beam of 16.3 m, and a standard displacement of about 3,900 tonnes.

Germany’s MEKO naval combat vessel design has been in operation with navies around the world since the 1980s, including Algeria, Brazil, South Africa, and Poland. The RAN and Royal New Zealand Navy’s ANZAC-class frigates are also based on the MEKO 200 platform.

The MEKO A designs include the 1,650 tonne MEKO A-100 multi-purpose corvette and the 3,500 tonne MEKO A-200 frigate. Improvements include increased payload stealthiness as well as modular architecture and advanced propulsion systems.
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www.asianmilitaryreview.com/2024/12/australia-narrows-down-future-frigate-selection/
 
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New Zealand’s fifth and final C-130J-30 Hercules landed in Auckland on December 18, 2024, completing the delivery of the New Zealand Defence Force’s new fleet of aircraft.

Now the full fleet has arrived, the project team is focused on the delivery of a new full-motion flight simulator. The building to house it at the Royal New Zealand Air Force’s (RNZAF) Base Auckland, Whenuapai, has been completed.
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https://www.defence.govt.nz/news/final-aircraft-successfully-delivered/#:~:text=New%20Zealand's%20fifth%20and%20final,Force's%20new%20fleet%20of%20aircraft.
 
I don't know when he revoked his US citizenship but if he was no longer a US citizen when he took the job how can he be be extradited for breaking US laws?

It seems he moved to Australia in 2005, became an Australian citizen in 2013 and was training Chinese pilots in South Africa in 2012...I can't find anything on when he rescinded his US citizenship.

I'm starting to think my government has bowed down to US demands on this (wouldn't be the first time):(

I'm hoping someone will update the story
 
Lockheed Martin Corp., Rotary and Mission Systems, Owego, New York is awarded a $198,092,727 firm-fixed-price, cost-plus-fixed-fee, cost reimbursable, indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity contract.

This contract provides maintenance, program management, and logistics services to support through life support (TLS) services for 36 Royal Australian Navy (RAN) MH-60R aircraft. The TLS services enable the RAN to provide the necessary operational capability and all-inclusive sustainment to include organizational, intermediate, depot, operational and deeper level maintenance, training, and support activities on RAN MH-60R aircraft, aircraft systems, support systems, and support and test equipment for the RAN AIR 9000 Phase 8 Future Naval Aviation Combat System MH-60R Foreign Military Sales FMS program.

Work will be performed in Yerriyong, Australia (83.5%); Owego, New York (10%); Stratford, Connecticut (6%); and Mawson Lakes, Australia (0.5%), and is expected to be completed in January 2028.
https://www.defense.gov/News/Contracts/Contract/Article/4015078/
 
The Royal Australian Air Force has taken delivery of its last nine of 72 F-35A Lightning II combat jets procured as part of a program launched in 2010.

The planes touched down at RAAF Base Williamtown in New South Wales where they will operate side-by-side with the military’s existing EA-18G Growler and F/A-18F Super Hornet aircraft as outlined in Canberra’s national defense strategy.

The air force employs the F-35A system in three operational squadrons, including a training group, in New South Wales and the Northern Territory. 19 Dec 2024
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The past year brought a renewed focus on Australia’s deteriorating security situation and maritime capability. Despite the maritime emphasis in Australia’s 2024 defence announcements, the country remains far from being adequately positioned to defend its extensive sea lines of communication, subsea cables and broader national interests at sea.

With a federal election due by May, the next Australian government must spend on the navy, address the capability gaps and make timely decisions on future capability.

In the past 12 months, the oceans on which we depend for our protection and prosperity have experienced a dramatic deterioration in security terms, unseen in recent decades. Globally, from the Black Sea to the Red Sea, maritime trade is under pressure. Europe has experienced further attacks on critical maritime infrastructure, including subsea cables – the backbone of internet connectivity.

Closer to home, we’ve witnessed escalating aggression from China’s coastguard, which regularly has attacked Philippine vessels in the West Philippine Sea.

Australian sailors have been placed at risk, most recently when a Chinese fighter pilot inexplicably deployed flares in front of an Australian helicopter operating in international airspace. This is not simply a canary in the coalmine; it means the breakdown of global norms.

If a conflict arises in the Indo-Pacific, it will be inherently maritime in nature and we will be compelled to fight with the capabilities we have at the time.

In February 2024, the government announced a historic expansion of the surface combatant fleet—the destroyers and frigates of the Royal Australian Navy equipped with offensive and defensive weapons including missiles and torpedoes. But this expansion is not expected to materialise until the 2030s.

During the past 12 months there has been an integration of new missile capabilities in the navy’s small fleet. Announcements have included the acceleration of building ships for the army and key achievements in training, treaties and export controls to support Australia’s acquisition of nuclear-powered submarines. In fact, 38 percent of Defence’s spending plan, the Integrated Investment Program, across the next decade will be directed towards maritime capabilities.

These developments are positive, but they have not shifted the needle in the near term to address Australia’s vulnerabilities in the maritime domain.

Australia’s surface combatant fleet has been reduced from 11 to 10 with the decommissioning of HMAS Anzac because of its age. The mine-hunting fleet also has been diminished, leaving only two vessels remaining after a mid-year decision to cancel their replacements. Australia’s two tankers, critical for replenishing fuel, food and ammunition for naval ships, have been laid up for most of 2024 because of defects. Additionally, much of Australia’s hydrographic capability, vital for surveying beneath the surface of the water, has been decommissioned, leaving only one ship in operation.

The list goes on. These issues are the product of decades of delayed and indecisive decision-making compounded by a lack of investment. The increasing frequency of attacks in the maritime domain, coupled with the absence of strategic warning time for a potential regional conflict, highlights the urgent need to address Australia’s waning maritime power. This is not simply a nice-to-have but an essential requirement for an island nation when global security norms are being redefined.

In 2025 a timely decision on Australia’s future frigate design will be critical to achieving the planned 2029 delivery of the first of 11 ships. This decision must prioritise the option that minimises delivery risks, ensures operational capability by 2029 (or sooner), maximises commonality with existing Australian systems and offers the design flexibility to accommodate future upgrades.

We must be even bolder than this. While the thought of another review may make us groan, the next government must conduct a thorough assessment of our broader naval and maritime capabilities. If we acknowledge that we’re not currently equipped to protect our trade routes or subsea cables, we must critically examine the composition of the wider fleet—not just the surface combatants but also our mine warfare, hydrographic, amphibious, replenishment and clearance diving capabilities.

Finally, we must confront the difficult conversation about spending to deliver these capabilities at speed. While the current government has made the first substantial increase to the defence budget in nearly a decade—projecting defence spending to rise from the current 2 per cent of GDP to 2.4 per cent by the end of the next decade—this will not be enough to revitalise our defence, particularly our naval capabilities.

During the Cold War, Australia consistently spent an average of 2.7 percent of GDP on defence, with spending exceeding that level during major naval construction efforts. If Australia is truly facing its most complex and challenging strategic environment since World War II, as outlined in the 2024 National Defence Strategy, we cannot afford to continue underspending.
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/t...n government needs a bolder plan for the navy
Jennifer Parker is an expert associate at the National Security College, Australian National University, an adjunct fellow at the University of New South Wales and Nancy Bentley Associate Fellow in Indo-Pacific Maritime Affairs at the Council on Geostrategy. Jennifer has over 20 years of experience in the Australian Department of Defence, working in a broad range of operational and capability areas.
 
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Attack missile boats are no substitutes for the Royal Australian Navy’s major warships, contrary to the contention of a 4 February 2025 Strategist article. The ships are much more survivable than attack boats and can perform long-range operations that small vessels cannot.

In the article, the author argues, for example, that a single missile hit could cripple a billion-dollar warship. In fact, this is highly unlikely.

The planning for the number, type and direction of travel of missiles needed to successfully engage a warship is a tactical art. The calculations are classified, but the Salvo Equation is an unclassified means of understanding how many missiles must be fired to damage a major warship, such as a destroyer or frigate. The number is greater than most people assume.

The debate on warship survivability isn’t new, and it remains paper-thin. Warships are designed to float, move and fight. As the RAN’s Sea Power Centre describes, they are survivable ‘through layered defence systems, signature management, structural robustness and system redundancy’.

Just because a missile is fired doesn’t mean it will strike, and even a strike doesn’t ensure the ship is disabled.

It’s true that threats to warships close to coasts have increased, and the proliferation of uncrewed aerial vehicle, uncrewed surface vessels and anti-ship missiles has made operations more complex. However, as offensive threats evolve, so do defensive capabilities, tactics and procedures. This is the dance of naval warfare.

To bolster the flawed claim that warships are ‘increasingly vulnerable in modern conflicts’, the article points to the 42-year-old, poorly maintained Russian cruiser Moskva, which Ukraine sank in the Black Sea in 2022, as a ‘most advanced warship’. Yet far more modern US, British and French warships have repelled more than 400 Houthi missile attacks in the Red Sea since 2023 without sustaining damage. Fourteen months of Red Sea operations show that well-armed warships with trained crews are highly effective.

The article conflates strategy with concepts, saying ‘the urgency of shifting Australia’s naval strategy to distributed lethality cannot be overstated’.

Think of a naval strategy as the big-picture plan for what a nation aims to achieve at sea with its naval capability (as opposed to maritime), while a naval concept is the theoretical framework that explains how its navy might actually fight and operate to achieve those goals.

‘Distributed lethality’ fits within the established concept of Distributed Maritime Operations, which isn’t about any particular category of vessel, large or small; it’s a way of fighting that emphasises massed effects through robust, networked communications that allow for dispersal of maritime units.

At its core, it’s a network-centric, not platform-centric, concept—as applicable to a fleet of frigates and destroyers as to smaller craft.

It’s a concept the RAN, at least in theory, has already embraced. In a 2024 speech on Distributed Maritime Operations, Fleet Commander Rear Admiral Chris Smith said ‘distribution as a core concept of our operations … seeks to manage a defensive problem while seizing an offensive opportunity’.

Australian naval strategy: reach and balance

In advocating for a shift towards attack boats, the article dismisses their limited range and endurance as problems that are easily fixed. They are not: range and endurance are fundamental to Australia’s naval strategy and central to the concept of reach.

At its core, reach is the requirement for a maritime power to be able to protect its vital interests at range from its territory. As an island nation dependent on long sea lines of communication for essential seaborne supply—from fuel to fertiliser, ammunition and pharmaceuticals—Australia needs an ability to protect critical imports and exports.

Doing that requires the combination of sensors and weapons that cannot fit into an attack boat: heavy and bulky towed-array sonars, large radars mounted high, long-range air-and-missile defence systems, and helicopters for hunting submarines.

Acceptance that Australia’s vital interests at sea are far from its coast is inherent in the roles ascribed in Australia’s National Defence Strategy. They include power projection, such as the capabilities of the Australian Army’s new amphibious fleet, which require protection that attack boats can’t provide.

Limited endurance and operational range are deficiencies that cannot be mitigated by basing in northern Australia, as the article suggests. Territorial force posture such as northern operating bases cannot transform coastal green-water naval assets such as attack boats into the open ocean blue-water capability Australia requires.

Another key strategic requirement for Australia is having a balanced fleet, anchored by larger destroyers and frigates. The essence of the idea of a balanced fleet is that a smaller fleet of ships must operate across the spectrum of maritime tasks. Attack boats cannot fight effectively in all three spheres of maritime warfare: surface, air and sub-surface. While they may complement frigates and destroyers where the budget allows, they are unsuitable to form the backbone of Australia’s fleet.

The call for such vessels falls into the common trap of thinking that modern naval warfare is simply about missile capability. But what is needed to constitute a balanced fleet is a mix of capabilities that can be brought together only in a frigate or larger ship.

This debate is an opportunity to highlight a crucial issue often overlooked in Australian strategic thought. The country needs a naval strategy with genuine reach and a balanced fleet, capabilities that simply can’t be met by a force built around attack boats.
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/w...ack missile boats cant replace major warships
 
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Highly provocative and unprofessional action by the Chinese military has again put the Albanese government’s approach to relations with Beijing under pressure. So has deployment of a powerful Chinese naval flotilla close to Australia.

China’s aggressive actions in the South China Sea and beyond make it much harder for the government to stabilise the relationship with Beijing—under its formula of ‘cooperate where we can, disagree where we must, and engage in the national interest’.

On 11 February, a Chinese air force J-16 fighter released flares just 30 metres in front of an Australian P-8A Poseidon surveillance aircraft, in what the Department of Defence has described as an ‘unsafe and unprofessional’ interaction. Such interactions with China’s military are now becoming normal. The flare release, reported on 13 February, was the fifth known incident of unsafe behavior by the Chinese military towards the Australian Defence Force since 2022.

It should reinforce the need for caution by the current, and indeed any future Australian government, in approaching its relationship with China.

In another statement on the same day the department said a Chinese naval task group was operating in Australia’s northeastern maritime approaches. Among the ships was a Jiangkai-class frigate, a Fuchi-class replenishment vessel and a Type 055 Renhai cruiser.

Deployment of the cruiser is important. It is likely the first ship of its class to have operated so close to Australia. Renhais are among the most formidable warships afloat. Each has 112 vertical-launch missile cells and can carry a large load of weapons, including anti-ship cruise missiles, surface-to-air missiles, torpedoes and anti-submarine weapons. Although it’s not yet clear whether China is incorporating land-attack cruise missiles in the Renhai class, room for them could easily be found in a vessel with so many launch cells.

It is important to emphasise that the flotilla is operating within international law, just as it’s important to note that Australian warships and aircraft in the South China Sea operate in international waters and airspace—as they have done for decades.

The two developments announced on 13 February send important signals regarding China’s future military posture. Firstly, deployment of the cruiser-led flotilla sends a message to Australia that China can and will project power and presence into our maritime approaches. As the Chinese navy works towards becoming a global force, it will continue to perform more missions beyond the First Island Chain, the string of islands from Japan to Indonesia. Since the Covid-19 pandemic, we have seen the Chinese navy operate off the West Australian coast and through the Torres Strait in 2022, sit off north-eastern Australia during the Talisman Sabre military exercise in 2023 and sail a Renhai and an advanced destroyer through the Coral Sea on their way to Vanuatu in 2024.

Moreover, the Chinese military seems to be applying its unsafe and unprofessional South China Sea tactics closer to Australia. Indeed, its first publicly reported unsafe incident in relation to Australia occurred in our northern approaches on 17 February 2022.

This global ambition by the Chinese navy means that the Department of Defence cannot assume that Australia will always have a degree of isolation across a strategic moat, epitomised by the notional sea-air gap that an adversary supposedly cannot cross. The Renhai deployment reinforces the shrinking relevance of geographic isolation in Australian defence planning. The ship could, in a crisis, hold at risk any Royal Australian Navy warships within range of its YJ-18 anti-ship missiles, and Royal Australian Air Force aircraft could be threatened by its HHQ-9 air-defence missiles.

Australia must expect more aggression by Chinese fighter pilots against RAAF maritime patrol aircraft in international airspace over the South China Sea. Beijing has a reputation for such provocations, especially against US allies. Defence needs to think about a response if an incident leads to the loss of an aircraft and crew or forces them to land on a Chinese-occupied feature in the South China Sea.

In relation to the new Trump administration, China probably wants to keep its powder dry, seeking to minimise an impending trade conflict and to manage a deteriorating economy that relies heavily on exports. However, we should expect that China’s military will continue to target smaller countries, such as Australia, to end their long-standing military presence in the First Island Chain.

Thus, even though China’s military has recently softened its approach towards the United States, it continues to target the militaries of smaller countries exercising freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea. In addition to Australia, Canada, the Netherlands and the Philippines have all been subjected to unsafe actions from China’s military in the past 18 months.

Notice the contrast between how China treats foreign military forces operating in its vicinity and how others treat China when it approaches them. China engages in dangerous intimidation and invariably blames the other party.

But when China deploys a powerful naval flotilla close to Australia, Canberra’s response is cautious and subdued. After all, there’s no indication that the Chinese ships were not in international waters.

‘Australia respects the rights of all states to exercise freedom of navigation and overflight in accordance with international law, just as we expect others to respect Australia’s right to do the same,’ the department said.

But it must be asked whether anyone in the Chinese leadership listens to Australia’s polite statements? These incidents over the South China Sea keep on happening, suggesting that our current approach to deterring future incidents simply isn’t effective.
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/c...sends ships to Australias northern approaches
 
Canberra, Feb 19 (Reuters) - Australia's military is being targeted by foreign intelligence over its AUKUS nuclear submarine partnership with the United States and Britain, and faces growing espionage and sabotage threats, Australia's spy chief said on Wednesday.
Warning of a deteriorating national security outlook, director general of security Mike Burgess said the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) had identified foreign services, including those friendly to Australia, targeting AUKUS to determine its capabilities, learn how Australia intends to use the submarines, and undermine the confidence of its allies.

"Multiple countries are relentlessly seeking information about our military capabilities. Defence personnel are being targeted in person and online," he said in an annual threat assessment speech at ASIO headquarters.
"Some were recently given gifts by international counterparts. The presents contained concealed surveillance devices," he said, without naming the countries involved.
ASIO forecast foreign interference efforts would try to undermine support for AUKUS and engage in potential sabotage if regional tensions escalate.

Australia's security environment will degrade over the next five years, he said, borrowing from the popular Hollywood film to summarise the multiple risks as "everything, everywhere, all at once".
"ASIO assesses authoritarian regimes are growing more willing to disrupt or destroy critical infrastructure to impede decision-making, damage war-fighting capabilities and sow social discord," he said.
Cyber sabotage was a particular threat, he said.
"Cyber units from at least one nation state routinely try to explore and exploit Australia’s critical infrastructure networks, almost certainly mapping systems so they can lay down malware or maintain access in the future," he said.

In an apparent reference to Volt Typhoon, a Chinese hacking group named by the U.S. and Australia as infiltrating U.S. critical infrastructure in 2024, Burgess shed new light, saying "ASIO worked closely with our American counterpart to evict the hackers and shut down their global accesses, including nodes here in Australia".
Over the next five years foreign intelligence services will exploit artificial intelligence and deeper online pools of data, enabling disinformation and deepfakes - realistic, but fake, portrayals of people - and eroding trust in institutions, he said.
The national terrorism threat level was raised in 2024 to probable, with ASIO and police disrupting five plots last year, he said.
A growing new problem is extremists self-radicalising faster, with unique "choose your own adventure" belief systems, he said.

Most of the terror plots investigated involved mixed nationalist and racist ideologies, and minors, he said.
There had been an increase in anti-Semitic violent incidents in Australia and ASIO is concerned the targeting of the Jewish community has not eased.
Ahead of a national election, in which border security fears have traditionally been fanned by politicians, he said people-smuggling was unlikely to become a major threat.
https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-...australia-intelligence-chief-says-2025-02-19/
 
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China now fields the world’s largest navy, and last week’s rare foray into our exclusive economic zone should be a wake-up call for Australians. Our most critical economic and security interests travel by sea, and in a rapidly deteriorating strategic environment, we can’t afford complacency. It’s time for Australia to step up as a genuine maritime power.

Over the last decade, China has morphed from a modest coastal navy into a true blue-water force. In 2015, its navy’s battle force—submarines, surface combatants and aircraft carriers—stood at 255 vessels, according to the US Congressional Research Office. That figure has soared to 400 in 2025, with further growth on the horizon. The fleet’s quality has also jumped, with around 70 per cent of China’s current battle force built since 2010.

The Royal Australian Navy fields just 16 battle-force vessels – its smallest and oldest in decades. That includes six submarines aged 22 to 29 years, seven Anzac-class frigates (19 years to 27 years old), and three much newer Hobart-class destroyers that lack the firepower of true destroyers. While the government plans to grow the fleet by the 2030s and 2040s to levels not seen in decades, the current shortfall is compounded by dwindling support capabilities—such as replenishment, hydrography and mine warfare—after decades of underinvestment by successive governments.

Comparing ship counts alone may be crude, but it highlights China’s drive to become a true blue-water maritime power. Its rapid fleet expansion goes hand in hand with sweeping structural reforms, including the creation of a coast guard in 2013—now the world’s largest maritime law enforcement outfit, boasting more than 142 vessels.

Among them is the so-called monster ship 5901 Nansha—nearly four times the size of an Anzac-class frigate, which form the backbone of our surface combatant fleet.

The growth and modernisation of China’s navy has gone hand-in-hand with an increasingly expeditionary strategy. Chinese naval deployments to the Indian and Pacific oceans are on the rise, marked by the establishment of a naval base in Djibouti in 2017 and increasingly common Pacific port visits, including stops in Vanuatu and Papua New Guinea as well as hospital ship deployments to the South Pacific. Against this backdrop, Australia shouldn’t be shocked to see a Chinese navy task group off our east coast.

It’s rightly considered an uncommon occurrence, particularly since Australia’s east coast isn’t exactly on the way to anywhere—making it clear this was a deliberate show of capability. But we should expect it to become increasingly common.

Why should Australia care about China’s growing naval and maritime power? Because our core vulnerabilities lie at sea. Some 99 per cent of our trade travels by ship, and 99 per cent of our data travelling to the rest of the world passes through undersea cables. But it’s not just about data and trade generally; it’s particularly the critical goods that keep our economy running and ensure our security, from fuel and ammunition to pharmaceuticals and fertiliser. Cut off those supplies, and we cripple our economy and security: no fuel means grounded F-35s and idle trucks nationwide.

In a crisis or conflict, an adversary wouldn’t need to invade our shores to bring Australia’s economy—and by extension, our defence—to its knees. All it would have to do would be to cut off our critical seaborne supplies: fuel, fertiliser, ammunition, pharmaceuticals, and more. In a rapidly deteriorating strategic environment, Australia must be able to defend its maritime domain.

Recognising this vulnerability means Australia must develop the capacity to protect critical seaborne supplies in a crisis. It demands focus, structural reform, speed and investment. The 2021 announcement of AUKUS (our nuclear-powered submarine pathway), the planned surface combatant fleet expansion and the army’s move to adopt maritime strike are all crucial steps, but they aren’t enough. We must address the wider gaps in the fleet, and do it at speed.

We must recognise that maritime capability isn’t just hardware; it’s also structure and mindset. We need to reform our civil maritime security, establish a coastguard to free the Royal Australian Navy from border policing and adjust our legislative architecture to build a genuinely capable maritime strategic fleet.

Australia shouldn’t, and can’t, hope to match China’s naval might. Our maritime strategy hinges on alliances and partnerships across the region, including deeper co-operation with partners like the United States, Japan, and India. Yet to safeguard our vital interests at sea, we must demonstrate self-reliance within our alliances – we must develop a comprehensive maritime strategy and resource it.

China’s naval demonstration on Australia’s east coast should serve a reminder of our vulnerability, and a warning that addressing this vulnerability requires Australia to truly recognise its place as a maritime power. Our future prosperity and security depend on it.
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/w...ustralia needs to step up as a maritime power
 
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Australia can take three lessons from Chinese military behaviour in the past two weeks.

China will keep conducting dangerous military maneuvers against us and other countries in the South China Sea; its actions will continue to differ from its words; and it is likely to send advanced Chinese warships to our region more often and for longer.

It has been an eventful fortnight in the China-Australia military relationship. First, on 11 February the Department of Defence reported the fifth known incident of unsafe behavior by China’s military towards the Australian Defence Force. On the same day the department reported that a powerful Chinese naval task group was operating in Australia’s northeastern maritime approaches.

On 17 February, Defence reported that it had restarted senior military talks with China. Talks were held at the level of vice chief of defence and this marked the first time that senior-level dialogue had been held between militaries since 2019 (Previous talks had occurred at the level of chief of defence, and working level talks have been held twice since 2019.

Finally, on 21 February and the following two days, the Chinese task group conducted not one but two live-fire exercises in the Tasman Sea, between Australia’s most populous region and New Zealand. These unprecedented exercises, while consistent with international law, came with limited notice, meaning commercial aircraft had to quickly change flight paths to avoid potential danger. Foreign Minister Wong challenged her Chinese counterpart over the incident on the margins of a G20 meeting in South Africa.

Expect China’s military to keep targeting Australia, as well as other US allies and partners that uphold freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea. In the coming month, ASPI will release a live tracker of military incidents to outline frightening trends of unsafe behavior by China’s military towards Australia, the US, Canada, the Netherlands, the Philippines and any other country that challenges Beijing’s excessive maritime claims.

Second, this fortnight reminds us of the vast gulf between China’s words and actions. China’s readout of the 17 February defence talks noted that both sides had ‘agreed to continue strengthening strategic communication … properly handle disputes and differences, and carry out exchanges and cooperation.’ Its South China Sea challenges are the cause of dispute, while its far seas deployments lack transparency and communication.

This lesson also reminds us that while China’s tactics may change, its strategy does not. We may have ups and downs in our diplomatic, economic and military relations with China, but long-term trends reflect a deteriorating relationship with a global power set on expanding its influence. The past fortnight has provided a snapshot of China’s ability to deploy a variety of tactics, which in this case were designed to signal its military reach and test Australia’s military and diplomatic responses.

The third lesson is that we should expect more Chinese naval deployments in and around Australia’s exclusive economic zone. This trend has been evident since 2022, but there are broader developments underway in China’s military that indicate Beijing’s ambition to develop a global navy that will be able to project power into our region more frequently and for longer periods at a time.

China’s naval strategy for most of the 20th century was focused on coastal defence. However, since 2008, it has deployed naval task groups to the Gulf of Aden for counter-piracy operations. These have typically been made up of two combatant ships and an oiler for logistical support. Each task group can stay in the gulf for about four months.

Due to a lack of support ships or a network of overseas support bases, we haven’t seen regular and sustained deployments by China’s navy to other areas of the globe. But this trend is changing.

In December 2024, the US Department of Defense reported that ‘China is expected to build additional fleet replenishment oilers soon to support its expanding long-duration combatant ship deployments.’ China has 12 replenishment oilers that support long-distance, long-duration deployments. (The US Navy operates 15 replenishment oilers and can also use the allies’ ports ). Construction of new oilers has become a priority for China, especially given its lack of overseas logistics facilities.

China had initial success in establishing an overseas base at Djibouti, which now provides some logistical support to China’s naval deployments. China also maintains a regular military presence at the Ream naval base in Cambodia. However, despite efforts to persuade other countries, including Pacific Islands countries, China has yet to establish military bases or logistical facilities elsewhere.

As China’s navy improves its logistics and defensive capabilities, a lack of overseas bases will only slow, not stop, China’s ambition to project naval forces into global environs (including Australia’s) more often and for longer durations. This will have implications for Australia’s own limited naval capabilities, which will come under pressure to monitor more Chinese ships in our region, while continuing operations that support freedom of navigation and overflight in the South China Sea.
https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/c...llenges in the South China Sea Get used to it
 

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