Article in English:
Berlingske’s View: Now We See Russia's Weakness. It’s Time to Strike
The fact that Bashar al-Assad could so quickly lose power in Syria demonstrates how weakened Russia actually is. We should not be discussing peace negotiations on Russia's terms but instead pull out all the stops to help Ukraine achieve victory. Outgoing U.S. President Joe Biden is right when he says that the developments in Syria present a "historic opportunity." While Biden is referring to Syria and the Middle East, he is undoubtedly correct. From a Western perspective, it is also excellent news that Russia has been left weakened after Bashar al-Assad's fall.
Since Russia’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, some Western politicians have expressed the belief that Ukraine’s war against Russia was a lost cause from the outset and that the West would be wise either to provide limited aid to Ukrainians or to stay out of it entirely to avoid provoking the Russian bear.
In Denmark, the leader of the Danish People's Party, Morten Messerschmidt, recently told
Jyllands-Posten that the time has come to negotiate peace and that Denmark should reduce its support for Ukraine. He is not alone in being war-weary. A recent opinion poll conducted by Verian for
Berlingske shows that 32 percent of voters believe Ukraine should agree to a peace settlement—even if it means ceding the Russian-occupied territories.
https://www.berlingske.dk/ledere/be...i-ruslands-svaghed-det-er-tid-til-at-slaa-til
Fortunately, this stands in sharp contrast to the position of the Danish government, which insists that only Ukraine can decide whether to negotiate peace and that all Russian-occupied land belongs to Ukraine unless Ukraine itself decides otherwise.
It was difficult not to view Ukraine’s chances of surviving as an independent nation with pessimism in the early days of the invasion. The Russian invasion forces were overwhelming in terms of troop numbers and technological superiority. Vladimir Putin envisioned his "special military operation" as a Russian "blitzkrieg" that would quickly overrun Ukraine.
As we know, that didn’t happen. A combination of Ukrainian fighting spirit and Russian incompetence resulted in the stalemate we see today, nearly three years later. Along the way, the West's "red lines" for what military equipment it could provide Ukraine without provoking nuclear power Russia have repeatedly shifted.
Since the U.S. presidential election in November, Ukraine's allies have feared what the incoming American president, Donald Trump, might do to end the war in the "24 hours" he has claimed is all he needs. The nightmare scenario is, of course, that Trump halts U.S. support for Ukraine, leaving Russia in an extremely strong negotiating position in any peace talks.
Therefore, right now—after Assad's defeat in Syria and in the final days before Trump assumes the presidency on January 20—is a unique opportunity to give Ukraine the best possible position, ensuring that the country enters any potential peace negotiations much stronger. Ideally, Ukraine should secure the victory over Russia that all democratically-minded nations must hope for.
Like Iran, Russia’s other key ally in the Middle East, Russia lacked the strength to come to Assad’s aid. This highlights how severely the war in Ukraine has weakened Russia.
Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has stated that there are no red lines when it comes to weapons for Ukraine or where they may be used. She is right. The West must stand united, forget all talk of peace negotiations on Russia's terms, and instead provide Ukraine with every bullet and every euro it needs to regain its freedom—no matter the cost.
KARL KÜHLMANN SELLIKEN