and half off
The Taliban do let girls go to school,” boasted the teenage boy. “But they stop them when they turn 11, which is very fair.”
In an after-school detention, a handful of pupils were doing their best to convince me, their teacher, that Afghanistan was much nicer now the Taliban were in control. Nothing I said would convince them. It turned out these children not only supported gender inequality but were fans of executing all manner of criminals too.
My pupils are a lively bunch. The school, where I teach humanities, is a large academy in the south of England and caters to those from poor families. Most are Muslim and a few have lived in Islamic countries, including Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan. They burst with character and enthusiasm for improving their lives. I work hard to help them and have a genuine pride in them, in a way only fellow teachers will understand.
But I also worry about them. I share some of the same concerns that Katharine Birbalsingh expressed after her legal victory last week, when she successfully defended a
High Court challenge to her ban on prayer rituals. In the absence of a clear commitment to British values, she argued, identity politics was filling the vacuum.
The more I get to know my pupils, the more distressed I am by some of their views. Of course, teenagers have always aspired to radical chic in order to shock their elders. In my youth, we lounged around the school common room repeating Frankie Boyle’s most offensive jokes.
But this generation is different. The other day, in response to a comment made by a pupil, I asked a class of 13-year-olds to raise their hands if they hated Britain. Thirty hands shot up with immediate, absolute certainty.
I’m not sure how many of my pupils support the Taliban. It is probably a minority, but not a small one. Many of the boys I teach hold shocking views on women. One Year 8 pupil regularly interrupts lessons with diatribes about how western society is brainwashing young men into becoming more feminine. Most of the lads I teach think women should have fewer rights than men. They spend citizenship lessons arguing that wives should not work.
Pupils who support the Taliban may have been manipulated online
EBRAHIM NOROOZI/AP
Such views come from a dangerous manipulation of their faith they find online. The misogynist influencer
Andrew Tate is their hero, particularly since his claimed conversion to Islam.
In some ways, the fact that these children hate Britain and all its values is not entirely surprising. Many have relatives whose lives were ruined by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. They fled to Britain for a better life, having fought against oppressive regimes. It is strange, then, that a Kurdish boy of Iraqi descent should tell me he admires Saddam Hussein. “Iraq’s just a bit rubbish now,” he reasons. A blame he can easily place with Britain.
My pupil’s childhoods were spent watching parents processing trauma from these wars, while around them British government policies seemed focused on disparaging immigrants: the “hostile environment”, Brexit and now the Rwanda plan. A Muslim teacher tells me she has been called a terrorist in the street. The children, she says, will have faced similar harassment.
But all too often these sentiments spill into bigotry towards their own country and others who live here. Due to the Gaza war, no group is more despised than the Jews, with pupils regularly making comments of pure hatred. Teachers are asked: “Who do you support: Israel or Palestine?” We are supposed to remain neutral, but some staff adorn their laptops with pro-Palestinian slogans.
And this reflects a big part of the problem: my school and many others are rolling over and not even attempting to mount a defence of western values.
My colleagues tend to believe that the solution to our pupils’ dislike of Britain is to design a curriculum that is packed with hand-wringing about western imperialism and institutional racism. If we teach them we did wrong, then they will know that we are sorry and move on, the argument goes.
This process of radical healing can be useful. It can help to have difficult conversations and entice pupils from different backgrounds into engaging critically with their work. But I also think it has gone too far.
In some schools, the anti-western narrative is woven through much of the curriculum. A friend of mine teaches history and in a single day says he could teach the Spanish colonisation of the Americas, the Portuguese colonisation of Africa, the British colonisation of India, the decolonisation of the British Empire and the slave trade. This relentless focus on empire does not seem to have made our pupils any less angry.
Katharaine Birbalsingh has led the push-back against perceived identity politics in the curriculum
STEWART WILLIAMS
The problem is not limited to my pupils. I once taught at a middle-class school with mostly white children. Here, the curriculum was similarly designed to open minds to the evils of western civilisation. The pupils were not susceptible to Islamism, but were still imbued with a sense that their country is particularly bad. Increasingly, schools are not dissuading children of these prejudices, but confirming them.
My school is only part of the problem. The history curriculum at many schools may now feature the diversity of troops in the First World War, or the 1980s as a period of queer exploration. These are worthwhile subjects for an undergraduate essay, but not substitutes for the basic building blocks of historical knowledge.
I once observed a Year 8 lesson on the “black Tudors”. One pupil raised his hand to ask: “Who were the Tudors?” — they hadn’t thought to teach the Reformation before the racism. Similarly, when teaching the Norman Conquest, it is becoming unfashionable to teach the pivotal Battle of Hastings. Instead, some schools focus on studying Empress Matilda, who ruled Brit. Again, a worthy subject at some point, but an odd one to teach to Year 7s instead of the fact Harold Godwinson was (probably) shot in the eye with an arrow.
I worry the effect of this pedagogical radicalism is not to calm tensions, but to exacerbate them. A teacher friend visited a school recently and heard its head of history describe the aim of their curriculum as the creation of “scholar activists”. They said they wanted to turn pupils into radical agents of protest against a state they say is institutionally racist.
Some of this chaos is down to the growth of academy schools that began under Michael Gove when he was education secretary. Gove attempted to introduce a conservative version of the national curriculum. But now academies and free schools, which now comprise 80 per cent of secondary schools, have greater freedoms to dictate their curriculums. The result for some schools has been much less 1066 and much more “all that” .
Solving this problem is tricky. It is sad there seems to be little desire to measure and discuss the scale of disaffection I see from my pupils.
Curriculums, to the extent pupils pay attention to them, can be a powerful tool to mould society. Yet hardly anyone is arguing for a balanced, liberal curriculum that would focus on traditional subjects while incorporating critical, or decolonised, narratives. From what I have seen, the alternative to this produces some pretty troubling results.
After Katharine Birbalsingh had her prayer ban upheld, the head accused schools of failing to back UK values. One teacher, writing anonymously, reveals the troubling views of children as young as 11
www.thetimes.co.uk
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